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Revised: November 21, 2003.
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28
February 2002 - In her Director's
Report for February 2002, Jane Winter, British
Irish Rights Watch, made the following comments about her recent visit to
Dublin to accompany the Ludlow family at their meeting with the Attorney
General:
On 21st February I travelled to Dublin to meet
the Irish Attorney General together with the family of Seamus Ludlow, who
was murdered in1976, allegedly by northern paramilitaries, some of whom were
serving soldiers. His family
are calling for a public inquiry, but the Irish government insists that all
that is on offer is a private commission of inquiry similar to that
currently looking at the 1974 Dublin and Monaghan bombings.
The problem with that is that the family will not be able to
scrutinise the evidence or submissions of police officers and others who
have lied about the murder in the past.
It is a matter of great regret that the Irish government, who have
been ready to support the calls for public inquiries into murders in
Northern Ireland, such as those of Patrick Finucane, Rosemary Nelson and
Robert Hamill, is so reluctant to apply the same standards to a murder of
one of its own citizens.
See also: Jane Winter cited in The
Irish News, 23 February 2002: 'Public
inquiry needed'
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21
February 2002 - The Ludlow family has been informed that the
Dublin Government has decided to disregard their demands for
a public inquiry into the murder of Seamus Ludlow and will
go ahead with a private inquiry under Mr Justice Henry
Barron.
This
information was conveyed personally by Mr Michael McDowell,
the Attorney General. The Ludlow family has been given a
draft terms of reference
for such a private inquiry, similar to that for the ongoing
private Barron inquiries into the Dublin/Monaghan and
Dundalk bombings.
Mr McDowell has been reassured
that the Ludlow family's position regarding the private
Barron Inquiry has not altered since their previous
unsatisfactory meeting with Mr John O'Donoghue, the Minister
for Justice.
Mr
McDowell, representing the Government, wanted the Ludlow
family to accept this proposal with the understanding that
they could ultimately reject its findings and renew their
demand for a public inquiry.
Mr
McDowell argued that a lot has now changed since the British and Irish
Governments signed their Weston Park Agreement, though he did not elaborate
in any great detail exactly what had been agreed. He confirmed that No Public
Inquiry will be held by the Government in advance of the Barron private
inquiry and he hoped that the Ludlow family could be persuaded to give their
approval, though the private inquiry would go ahead anyway without it.
The
meeting at the AG's Office, Government Buildings, Dublin, was altogether a
different affair from the cold meeting with the Justice Minister in 2001. Mr
McDowell was firm, though also courteous, and friendly towards the
Ludlow family, and he displayed the kind of intimate knowledge of the
issues involved that was clearly lacking with Mr O'Donoghue.
Once
again the Ludlow family delegation was accompanied by their esteemed legal
representative James MacGuill, solicitor, Dundalk, and by Jane Winter,
Director of British Irish Rights Watch, London, who had kindly flown over
especially for the meeting and caught a return flight later that evening.
The
Ludlow family and their representatives were very disappointed that Mr
McDowell had called them together to hear nothing new, just a restatement of
proposals that were rejected in 2001. It had been hoped that in the
intervening months the authorities would have thought again about their
unacceptable proposals.
Mr
McDowell was politely asked to convey to the Government the Ludlow family's
request that they think again about going ahead with the private inquiry as
envisaged. The e little faith in such liars now coming clean in
private sessions with Mr Justice Barron.
See
above for latest reports on the progress of Mr
Justice Barron's request for the handover by the British of vital
intelligence documents to help him reach conclusions in his private inquiry
into the Dublin and Monaghan lara Case, and the apparent
undermining of the proposed Joint Oireachtas Committee process - the only
"public" part of the Government's proposal - did nothing to recommend
the process to the Ludlow family.
Furthermore,
given the high degree of corruption that is all too obvious within the Gardai
today - with a public inquiry recently announced to look into Gardai abuses
against the McBreartry family and other incidents in Donegal - there could be
no confidence in the Gardai's giving full disclosure of relevant files,
documents and truthful answers to Mr Justice Barron.
The
Ludlow family has been lied to by elements within the Gardai for nearly 26
years now and there can be little faith in such liars now coming clean in
private sessions with Mr Justice Barron.
See
above for latest reports on the progress of Mr
Justice Barron's request for the handover by the British of vital
intelligence documents to help him reach conclusions in his private inquiry
into the Dublin and Monaghan bombings of 17 May 1974, which caused the
deaths of 33 people.
See
also the Dundalk Democrat of 2 March
2002 for further information; and
The Irish News,
23 February 2002: 'Public
inquiry needed'.
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17 January 2002 - Writing to Ludlow family
member Jimmy Sharkey - in reply to a letter dated 12 December 2001 - Mr.
Gerry Adams MP (Sinn Fein) said:
I and Sinn Fein are fully in support of
your family's campaign into the circumstances of the murder of your Uncle
Seamus Ludlow.
I spoke to the Taoiseach about this when I
met with him a week ago. I also gave him a copy of your letter and he assured
me he would respond.
I will keep in touch.
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3
January 2002 - The Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland, Mrs Nuala
O'Loan, responded to the Ludlow family's request for an investigation into
the RUC's handling of the Seamus Ludlow case by writing the following letter
to the Ludlow family's Dundalk solicitor:
Dear
Sirs
Re:
Seamus Ludlow deceased
I
write further to my letter of 6 November 2001. We have detailed
files in relation to the investigation, insofar as it was carried out in
Northern Ireland by the RUC. The situation is compounded by the cross border
difficulties of the Garda investigation, over which I have absolutely no
jurisdiction. We are, however, considering the entire contents of the file
including the investigation which was carried out more recently by the Royal
Ulster Constabulary. I would hope to be in a position to respond to you by
the end of this month with something definitive in relation to Mr Ludlow's
case.
I
apologise for the delay in dealing with this matter.
Yours
sincerely
NUALA
O'LOAN (Mrs)
POLICE
OMBUDSMAN FOR NORTHERN IRELAND
See
also: Ludlow family's meeting with Mrs O'Loan on 4
March 2002.
See also: The Sunday Tribune, 15 April 2001: O'Loan
asked to investigate Ludlow killing
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2 December 2001 - Belfast journalist Ed
Moloney referred briefly to the Ludlow family's refusal to accept the private
Barron inquiry into the murder of Seamus Ludlow on the grounds of its
inadequacy, in his article "Long
List of those who want no Finucane Inquiry", that featured in the
Dublin Sunday Tribune newspaper.
The Sunday Tribune report begins:
Amid the calls for a public inquiry into the 1989
assassination of Belfast lawyer Pat Finucane last week few people noticed
that the mechanism chosen to deal with the scandal - the appointment of a
judge to decide whether to hold a public inquiry - is a device that British
prime minister Tony Blair can thank Taoiseach Bertie
Ahern for suggesting and the officials in the Republic’s Department of
Justice for dreaming up.
The same strategem is being used in the Republic to
deal with two festering controversies both
of which feature allegations of dirty tricks by British intelligence south
of the Border. One is the 1974 bombing of Dublin and Monaghan by Loyalists
and the other the 1976 murder of Dundalk man, Seamus Ludlow whose killing by
Loyalists is alleged to have been covered up by an unholy alliance of
British intelligence and the Garda Special Branch.
A High Court judge, Mr Justice Barron has been
appointed to investigate both incidents and must report to the Oireachtas
whose members will decide whether a public inquiry should be held.
But the ploy has failed to satisfy all the relatives of the victims, whose
campaign obliged Taoiseach Bertie Ahern to take the
action.
Members of Seamus Ludlow’s family are
having nothing to do with the investigation on the grounds of its inadequacy
while relatives of the dead of Dublin and Monaghan are said to be
increasingly frustrated by the refusal of the British authorities to furnish
vital documents to Mr Justice Barron. . .
Please use the link above to access Ed Moloney's full
report on the Newshound website.
See also 17 April
2002 for important developments regarding Mr Justice Henry Barron's
request for the British authorities to hand over intelligence documents to
help him in his inquiry into the 1974 Dublin and Monaghan bombings.
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29 November 2001 - The Irish Justice Minister
Mr. John O'Donoghue TD gave the following Written Answer to a Dail Question
(No. 143) submitted by Mr. Seamus Kirk TD (Louth). Mr. Kirk had asked the
Minister if he would consider establishing a commission similar to the Truth
and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa, to deal with the murder of
Seamus Ludlow.
Unfortunately, the Minister's statement takes
this serious matter no further, with little evidence of any movement at all
in Mr. O'Donoghue's thinking regarding a public inquiry. Mr. O'Donoghue
replied:
The position in this matter remains as
outlined in my reply to Parliamentary Question No. 297 on 19th June, 2001.
The Government decided in principle in
September 1999 to establish an inquiry into this case as well as the
bombings in Dublin/Monaghan and Dundalk. This proposed inquiry - which would
be carried out on the same basis as the present inquiry into the
Dublin/Monaghan bombings - has not found favour with the relatives of the
victim or their legal representatives. In the circumstances, it has not so
far been possible to progress the matter further. I am however keeping the
matter under close review, and I very much hope that the Government will be
in a position to proceed with the proposed inquiry as soon as possible.
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28 November 2001 - The following letter
appeared in the Irish
News. It was sent in response to reports that the
British authorities had decided to appoint an international judge to head a
private inquiry into the February 1989 murder of the eminent Belfast solicitor Pat Finucane
and a number of other selected cases.
The appointment was made following the
dramatic collapse of the trial of the loyalist ex-UDA quarter master and RUC
Special Branch agent William
Stobie (51) in Belfast following the withdrawal of a vital witness. The proposed
private inquiry would begin not later than April 2002.
The letter, from a member of the Ludlow
family, who fully supports the demands of the Finucane, Nelson and Hanna
families for full public inquiries into the murders of their loved
ones, sought to place on record the demands of other families whose loved
ones' murders have been excluded from this private judicial inquiry.
The letter to the Irish News is not a
definitive opinion on the proposed private inquiry, which only the Finucane
family can give. The Finucane family's opinion came quickly in a press
release. The inquiry was seen as "another delaying tactic".
The Ludlow family member's letter reads as
follows:
I have read with interest your report (27 November) of
the British decision to appoint a judge to investigate further
allegations of collusion in the murder of solicitor Pat Finucane and
others. Your report states:
"The judge would investigate allegations of
collusion in the murders of Mr Finucane, Robert Hamill, Rosemary Nelson,
Chief Superintendent Harry Breen and Superintendent Bob Buchanan, Lord
Justice and Lady Gibson and LVF leader Billy Wright. And would have power
to recommend public inquiries where necessary."
There should of course be a full public inquiry into the
murder of Mr. Finucane.
While I do not automatically endorse or trust this
latest British development, given the well-trodden path of previous flawed
investigations, I do wish to address a few brief points to the
British authorities. Why stop with the above mentioned cases?
Why not investigate the obvious collusion involved in
the murder of my late uncle Seamus Ludlow, who was killed by UDR and Red
Hand Commando personnel inside County Louth on 2 May 1976? Why not also
investigate the foul murders of Jack Rooney and Hugh Watters, the victims
of the Dundalk bombing of 19 December 1975?
Further, why not fully cooperate with the ongoing
Dublin private Barron Inquiry into the infamous Dublin and Monaghan
bombings by finally handing over the long requested security files and
documentation that was requested by Mr. Justice Barron several months ago?
There is certainly ample reason for investigation of the collusion
involved in all these cases and more.
The Ludlow family, blighted by state indifference, on
both sides of the border, to the loss of their loved one at the hands of
British agents, of course renews its demand for a public judicial inquiry,
into both the murder of Seamus Ludlow and the long cover-up and smear
campaign that followed, but there seems little evidence here to suggest
that Britain has changed its disdainful attitude to the relatives of the
victims of its state murder gangs in Ireland.
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27
November 2001 - It is reported that the Dublin government plans to appeal
against the Dublin high Court's decision to uphold
the Gardai's challenge against the Joint Oireachtas Committee's power to hold
an investigation into the shooting dead of John Carthy, of Abbeylara,
in County Longford, in April 2000. It is further reported that Mr.
O'Donoghue, Minister for Justice, intends to hold a public inquiry into this
controversial incident if the government's appeal fails.
Since
Mr. O'Donoghue (at a meeting with him on 23
May 2001) has sought to persuade the Ludlow family to accept the private
Barron Inquiry as the best means of investigating the murder of Seamus
Ludlow, with his final report eventually being examined before an open
hearing of a Joint Oireachtas Committee, the Ludlow family is firmly of the
opinion that the minister must now proceed with a full public inquiry on the
same basis as the one he apparently has in mind for the Abbeylara inquiry.
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23 November 2001 - In a devastating blow to
the Dublin government's proposed plan for a private inquiry and Joint
Oireachtas Committee investigation into the 1976 murder of Seamus Ludlow, the
three-judge Irish High Court in Dublin, in a landmark decision, has
sharply restricted the scope of Oireachtas investigations.
The Court has upheld a challenge by 36 members
of the armed Garda Emergency Response Unit against the conduct of the inquiry into
the April 2000 killing of John Carthy in Abbeylara, County Longford.
Oireachtas inquiries cannot now make "findings of fact or expressions of
opinion" which damage the good name of citizens who are not TDs or
senators.
Thus the gardai responsible for the death of
John Carthy remain unaccountable and those gardai who were responsible for
covering up the true facts behind the murder of Seamus Ludlow, and protecting
his loyalist/UDR killers, are likewise protected from answering questions
before a Joint Oireachtas Committee hearing.
This development now makes it imperative that
the Dublin government should immediately call into being a public inquiry
into the murder of Seamus Ludlow. The Ludlow family can have no faith in a
private inquiry process - with or without the now effectively neutered Joint
Oireachtas Committee hearing that has been promoted by Mr. John O'Donoghue
TD, the Minister for Justice.
Besides, one only has to examine the limitations of the
ongoing private Barron Inquiry that is currently being impeded by the British
failure to comply with a request for relevant files and documents, relating
to the Dublin and Monaghan bombings. The Ludlow family has been implored upon
by Mr. O'Donoghue to accept this private inquiry, with the understanding that
Mr. Barron has the authority to order a full public inquiry. The Ludlow
family remains unconvinced.
The Ludlow family regards this private inquiry
process leading to a possible public inquiry as an expensive waste of time -
spending tax-payers' money on two inquiries when one was sufficient. It would
be much better if the Dublin authorities went ahead now with a full public
inquiry.
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13 November 2001 - In a letter to Mr. Bertie
Ahern TD, Taoiseach, the Ludlow family's solicitor made a further request for
a meeting between Mr. Ahern and the Ludlow family to discuss the present
position in relation to the case with a view to progressing matters. Mr.
Ahern was reminded that previous meetings with the Minister for Justice did
not advance matters.
The Ludlow family had received no response to
several previous written requests for a meeting with Taoiseach Bertie Ahern.
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6 November 2001 - In a letter to Mr. John
O'Donoghue TD, Minister for Justice, Dublin, the Ludlow family's solicitor
noted that in a letter dated 31st July to Dermot
Ahern TD, he had indicated that he was considering how best to progress
matters. The Ludlow family had expected to hear from Minister O'Donoghue but
have not done so to date, so it was hoped that he might be good enough to
respond to this latest communication.
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1 November 2001 - The Ludlow family's
solicitor received a highly significant letter from Justice for the
Forgotten, the committee representing most of the victims and relatives
of the Dublin and Monaghan bombings.
The letter was significant because it
was suggested to the Ludlow family by Mr. John O'Donoghue, Minister for
Justice, when they met with him recently, that one of the reasons why he
could not call for a separate public judicial enquiry in relation to the murder of
Seamus Ludlow was that this would disappoint and upset the Dublin/Monaghan
families.
On that occasion the Ludlow family strongly maintained their view
that the murder of Seamus Ludlow was an entirely separate case that should be
investigated in its own terms and not be tied to any other case no matter how
similar. Significantly, the letter from Justice for the Forgotten, as
quoted below, shows that the Minister was clearly mistaken.
Here is what Justice for the Forgotten
has to say:
The particular circumstances of the Dublin
and Monaghan bombings and the issues that require examination, in terms of
the collation and assessment of information, do not appear to pertain to the
murder of Seamus Ludlow. Furthermore, we do not have information suggesting
a link between the two atrocities.
It is, and has been for many years, the
demand of the bereaved families and survivors that there be a public
tribunal of inquiry into the Dublin and Monaghan bombings. The report of the
Independent Commission of Inquiry will be a step along the road to that.
Not only does Justice for the Forgotten
not object to a full public inquiry into the murder of Seamus Ludlow, it
fully supports the call of the Seamus Ludlow campaign for such an inquiry to
be held.
Yours sincerely
For Justice for the Forgotten
Bernie McNally Phil Lawlor-Watson
Chairperson
Vice-Chairperson
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1 November 2001 - Kevin Ludlow and Jimmy
Sharkey, representing the Ludlow family, wrote to Mr. Ruairi Quinn TD (Leader
of the Irish Labour Party) requesting a meeting with him as soon as possible to discuss
certain matters relating to the murder of Seamus Ludlow. While appreciating
that Mr. Quinn has a very busy schedule it was also hoped that he would give
the Ludlow family's request his urgent attention. Enclosed for his
information was a copy of the excellent independent Report on the murder of
Seamus Ludlow that was produced in February 1999 by the eminent human rights
organization British Irish Rights Watch
(BIRW), London.
On the same date, a letter was also sent to
the Dublin Government Minister Dermot Ahern TD (Fianna Fail, Louth)
thanking him for his continued support and requesting a meeting with him.
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4 October 2001 - A confidential British police
report into the death of Derry man Samuel Devenny - after an horrific RUC
beating in his own home - which has remained secret for more than thirty
years - has revealed the extent of the assault on the Devenny family on 17
July 1969.
Police Ombudsman Mrs. Nuala O'Loan has
presented the Devenny family with the contents of the 1970 Drury report into
the death of Mr. Devenny. Earlier in 2001, the Devenny family asked the
Ombudsman to carry out an investigation into their father's death - just as
the Ludlow family has done regarding the RUC's handling of the Seamus
Ludlow case.
The Ombudsman has yet to conclude her
inquiries in the May 1976 Ludlow murder, though she did point out that it may
not be within her remit to look so far back. Her handling of the Devenny case
may, hopefully, hold out hope that she can also help the Ludlow family get to
the truth behind the RUC's handling of their love one's sectarian murder in
County Louth.
The Ludlow family takes heart from the fact
that Mrs. O'Loan has revealed the contents of the secret Drury Report and that
she has upheld the Devenny family's complaint that the RUC has never
communicated to them directly about this brutal assault on the late Mr.
Devenny - who tragically died three months later - and his family.
The long suppressed Drury report concluded
that four RUC officers knew what happened but were afraid of retribution
from their colleagues if they spoke out. No RUC officers were ever charged in
relation to this attack and for thirty years the truth - including access to
the withheld Drury Report - was denied to the Devenny family.
The Ludlow family applauds the Devenny
family's determination to establish the full truth behind the death of their
late father.
Further information can be found on the Pat
Finucane Centre's website.
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18 August
2001 - The local Dundalk Democrat
newspaper featured the following letter, dated 31 July, from Mr. John
O'Donoghue TD, Minister for Justice, Dublin, to fellow Minister Mr. Dermot Ahern
TD.
Mr. Dermot Ahern TD
Minister for Social; Community
and Family Affairs
Aras Mhic Dhiarmada
Store Street
Dublin 1
31 July, 2001
Dear Dermot,
I refer again to your further representations (your ref: SC/876) regarding
the late Mr. Seamus Ludlow.
The Victims Commissioner, Mr. John Wilson, in his report "A Place and a
Name" stated in respect of Mr. Ludlow's case "I am aware of the
family's strong wish that the full truth of the case should be brought to
light. I am swayed by their argument that a criminal trial will not
necessarily bring out the full facts of the case. I recommend that an enquiry
should be conducted into this case along the lines of the enquiry into the Dublin/Monaghan bombings."
You will be aware that the Government decided in principle in September 1999
to establish an enquiry into the case of Mr Ludlow as well as the bombings in
Dublin/Monaghan and Dundalk. This proposed inquiry - which would be carried
out on the same basis as the present inquiry into the Dublin/Monaghan
bombings - has not found favour with the relatives of Mr. Ludlow or their
legal representatives. This fact was clear from our meeting with them on 23
May last. In the circumstances, I am considering how best to progress the
matter, and I shall put proposals to this end before Government as soon as I
am in a position to do so.
With every good wish.
Yours sincerely
John O'Donoghue TD
Minister for Justice, Equality
and Law Reform
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5 August 2001 - The
following anonymous Loyalist hate message was sent through this website's
e-mail form to the Ludlow family. The writer poses as an admirer
of the British SAS campaign against what he/she calls "terrorists from both
sides", but the last sentence gives the game away.
This is just another
shameful apologist for the loyalist murder gangs intent on perpetuating cruel
lies about an innocent victim of the UDR and Red Hand Commando death squad.
It is of course interesting that the anonymous writer does not question the fact that
Seamus Ludlow was murdered by the Red Hand Commando - far from it, this
writer proudly boasts that they were responsible, and he feels that
he has the right to insult the Ludlow family by denigrating the memory of
their loved one.
It is not the Ludlow family's custom to
publish every pathetic jibe that comes from such despicable supporters of the
loyalist killers, but there are occasions when they should be shown up for
the evil and disgusting liars that they are!
As stated previously, the Ludlow family will
not accept instruction from those who only insult the memory of an innocent
victim of Loyalists, nor has the Ludlow family the slightest interest in the
twisted "cruel and unnecessary" opinions of bigots like these!
The hate message reads:
A few fair comments.
My heart bleeds after your pathetic sob story. Ludlow was a terrorist
who got no more than he deserved.
I note with disgust your comment about the SAS, may I point out that they are
best special forces unit in the world, who have done so much to rid Northern
Ireland of evil terrorists from both side? Yes, that does include Loyalists
as well, check it out and see!
Your nasty jibe at that individual who posted the comment on the Defend The
RUC Website was cruel and unecessary.
I hope that you people are treated with the contempt you deserve, after all,
the RHC didn't cross the Border to simply kill an innocent & decent
Catholic now did they?
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1 August 2001 - In their much discussed
"package" of proposals to the North's political party leaders,
aimed at delivering the "full and early implementation of the Good
Friday Agreement", Britain's Northern Ireland Secretary of State Dr.
John Reid MP and the Irish Foreign Minister Brian Cowen TD included the
following on a number of contentious cases of alleged or actual
"collusion":
18. Both Governments want the new policing
arrangements now being established to focus on the future. But they accept
that certain cases from the past remain a source of
grave public concern, particularly those giving rise to serious allegations
of collusion by the security forces in each of our jurisdictions. Both
Governments will therefore appoint a judge of international standing from
outside both jurisdictions to undertake a thorough investigation of
allegations of collusion in the cases, of the murders of Chief
Superintendent Harry Breen and Superintendent Bob Buchanan, Pat Finucane,
Lord Justice and Lady Gibson, Robert Hamill, Rosemary Nelson and Billy
Wright.
19. The investigation of each individual case
will begin no later that April 2002 unless this is clearly prejudicial to a
forthcoming prosecution at that time. Detailed terms
of reference will be published but the appointed judge will be asked to
review all papers, interview anyone who can help, establish the facts and
report with recommendations for any further action. Arrangements will be
made to hear the views of the victims' families and keep them informed of
progress. If the appointed judge considers that in any case this has not
provided a sufficient basis on which to establish the facts, he or she can
report to this effect with recommendations as to what further action should
be taken. In the event that a Public Inquiry is recommended in any case, the
relevant Government will implement that recommendation.
Significantly, for the Ludlow family, the two
governments have not included the murder of Seamus Ludlow, a clear case of
collusion involving the Gardai, RUC and British Army and the Loyalist
killers, at least in the cover-up after the crime was committed, in
this private judicial inquiry process. Significantly, also, they promise a
degree of openness to relevant families that has not at all been evident in
recent Belfast and Dublin contacts with the Ludlow family.
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31 July 2001 - In a
letter to his government colleague Mr. Dermot Ahern TD, Louth (Minister
of Social, Community and Family Affairs), Mr. John O'Donoghue, Minister for
Justice, Equality and Law Reform, noted that his proposal for a private
inquiry which would, he says, "be carried out on the same basis as the
present inquiry into the Dublin/Monaghan bombings - has not found favour with
the relatives of Mr. Ludlow or their legal representatives. This fact was
quite clear from our meeting with them on 23 May last."
Mr. O'Donoghue concluded by saying: "I am
considering how best to progress the matter, and I shall put proposals to
this end before Government as soon as I am in a position to do so."
See also the full text of this letter as
published in the Dundalk Democrat newspaper
of 18 August 2001.
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